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| Last updated on Saturday, January 18, 2003 |
READ ME. Required or suggested readings contained on the CD- Course Pack are not listed on this page.
Check here periodically for recommended sites and pages related to our course. Some readings will be specifically tied to class assignments, while other readings will be on subjects generally related to the subject of global and national "terrorism"(I will try to keep this page updated throughout the quarter).
This first set of readings are all available on EBSCO Host. They cover a range of topics and areas, arranged in random order (I originally reviewed most of these for inclusion on our class syllabus, but for various reasons, decided not to make them part of the required or recommended readings.
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| WHY THEY HATE US: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL DYNAMICS |
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| SOCIAL groups; JUDGMENT -- Social aspects; TERRORISM -- United States; SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 |
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| Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, Spring2002, Vol. 25 Issue 2, p429, 12p |
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| Focuses on social dynamics as a factor in the occurrence of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack in the U.S. Research on the relationship of individual and group judgments; Concept of polarization in terrorist organizations; Discussion on the Al Qaeda terrorist movement |
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| Cultural Differences in the Behavior of Terrorists |
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Author(s):
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| Weinberg, Leonard; Eubank, William Lee; Crenshaw, Martha; Zulaika, Joseba; Rapoport, David C |
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| TERRORISM; TERRORISTS -- Attitudes; CULTURE |
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| Terrorism & Political Violence, Spring94, Vol. 6 Issue 1, p1, 28p |
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| Scrutinizes the impact of cultural differences on the behavior of political terrorists all over the world. Difference between collective and individualist terrorist operations; Influence of the national cultures from which the terrorists emerge on the types of targets they select and on the extent of harm they inflict on them; Characteristics of religious militancy and violence |
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| THE CONCEPT OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM: AN INTERIM STUDY OF SOUTH ASIA |
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| TERRORISM; VIOLENCE; RELIGION & politics -- Pakistan; THEOLOGICAL seminaries -- Pakistan |
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| Round Table, Jul2001 Issue 360, p333, 11p |
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| International terrorism, coined to describe the attempts by the Soviet state to promote instability in the West, is now being applied to the activities of organizations and individuals, often in the developing world, who advocate indiscriminate violence in support of their goals. The combination of politics and religion in countries such as Pakistan under leaders such as General Zia al Haq and the rapid increase in the number of religious seminaries (Madrissas) laid the grounds for the emergence of urban terrorism that began in the 1980s and continues to plague the country. The author suggests that terrorism seeks legitimacy from religion, and points out that many people entering Pakistan's seminaries are from underprivileged backgrounds. He suggests the elimination of international terrorism is through education and the elimination of poverty, and recommends the establishment of parallel Madrissas providing a more enlightened religious education.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] |
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| Origins of the Israeli/Palestinian Conflict The Seeds of Emnity |
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| WORLD politics; ISRAEL-Arab conflicts |
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| Humanist, Sep/Oct2002, Vol. 62 Issue 5, p9, 6p, 1 map |
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| Traces the origins of the strife between Israelis and Palestinians with the events of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s. Goal of the mandate given by the League of Nations to Great Britain to administer Palestine and Transjordan in 1920; Lessons learned by Jews and Arabs from the 1929 riots; Extent of the resumption of Arab terrorism in 1937; Reasons behind the support given by Palestinian Jews to the British war against the Nazi Germany. |
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| INTERNATIONAL relations; GLOBALIZATION; TERRORISM; WORLD politics; SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001; WAR on Terrorism, 2001- |
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| Foreign Affairs, Jul/Aug2002, Vol. 81 Issue 4, p104, 12p |
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| The article addresses the state of international relations today. According to the author, the September 11, 2001 attacks showed that, for all its accomplishments, globalization makes an awful form of violence easily accessible to hopeless fanatics. He also refers to terrorism as the bloody link between interstate relations and global society. To assess today's bleak state of affairs, the author addresses the following questions: What concepts help explain the new global order? What is the condition of the interstate part of international relations? And what does the emerging global civil society contribute to world order? The author also explores three effects of globalization on international politics: the first concerns institutions; globalization has not profoundly challenged the enduring national nature of citizenship; and there is the relationship between globalization and violence. The author further alleges that globalization thus seems to foster conflicts and resentment. |
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| Terrorists and Politics: The Case of Northern Ireland's Loyalist Paramilitaries |
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| POLITICAL parties -- Northern Ireland; TERRORISM -- Prevention |
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| Terrorism & Political Violence, Summer2001, Vol. 13 Issue 2, p27, 22p |
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| Examines the history of the various political parties associated with the two main loyalist or Protestant terrorist organizations in Northern Ireland, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defense Association (UDA). Political evolution of UVF and UDA; Reformation of the UVF; Anti-terrorist campaigns; Implications for politics and society. |
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| `Holy terror': The implications of terrorism motivated by a religious imperative |
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| TERRORISM; RELIGION & politics; RELIGIOUS fundamentalism |
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| Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, Oct-Dec95, Vol. 18 Issue 4, p271, 14p |
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Abstract:
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| Focuses on the resurgence of international terrorist groups motivated by a religious imperative. Difference between religious and secular terrorism; Islamic terrorist campaign; White supremacist movement; Millennarian and apocalyptic visions; Targets and tactics of holy terror operations. |
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| Terrorism, the media, and the Northern Ireland conflict |
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| MASS media -- Political aspects -- Northern Ireland; TERRORISM -- Northern Ireland; NORTHERN Ireland -- Politics & government |
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| Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, Jul-Sep95, Vol. 18 Issue 3, p203, 29p |
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| Focuses on the role of news media in the peace process in Northern Ireland. Possible granting of media coverage of terrorist campaigns; Importance of media coverage in ascertaining the truthfulness of terrorist campaigns; Concern regarding the abi lity of media to handle the manipulation of terrorist organizations. |
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| Militarism and Terrorism: The Deadly Cycle |
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| SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001; TERRORISM; POLITICAL crimes & offenses; MILITARISM |
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| Democracy & Nature: The International Journal of Inclusive Democracy, Jul2002, Vol. 8 Issue 2, p241, 19p |
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| The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, destined to strongly influence world politics well into the 21st century, can be understood as part of a larger dialectic linking US militarism and what has become global terrorism. This destructive cycle is likely to deepen as elements of American superpower hegemony—economic, political, cultural and military—become more consolidated, and as the USA continues to pursue its unprecedented and ill-defined war against terrorism. The goal of US ruling elites is to make the world increasingly accessible to capital investment, free trade and corporate domination while simultaneously closing off viable alternatives to the neoliberal New World Order. Here terrorism in its different manifestations amounts to both a striking back at US empire--what might be seen as an especially virulent form of blowback—and the unintended relegitimation of this empire as it helps to bolster the war economy and security state. One of the debilitating consequences of the militarism-terrorism cycle is a further closing off of political discourse in the US in the midst of a resurgent national chauvinism, ideological conformism and militarised culture.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR |
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| Libya in US foreign policy: from rogue state to good fellow |
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| LIBYA -- Foreign relations -- United States; UNITED States -- Foreign relations -- Libya; INTERNATIONAL relations |
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| Third World Quarterly, Feb2002, Vol. 23 Issue 1, p31, 23p |
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Abstract:
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| Since the mid 1970s relations between the USA and Libya have been antagonistic. The radical policies the regime of Muammar Qadaaffi has pursued have made Libya one of the USA's bêtes noires. The reasons for US antagonism derive from Libya's repression at home, its alleged support for terrorism and for radical movements opposed to US interests, its staunch opposition to Israel, and its anti-Western rhetoric. Libya's hostility towards the USA rests on a perception of the USA as a global power intent on maintaining its hegemony and control over the Arab and Islamic world. Libyans have been resentful of US support of Israel to the detriment of Arabs and Muslims. Libya's resolute opposition to the USA especially in the 1980s, resulted in a series of military confrontations. The USA has maintained sanctions despite the suspension of UN sanctions on Libya in 1999. The USA has retained Libya on its short list of 'rogue states' despite recognition that Libya has stopped sponsoring terrorism. The contention here is that Libya, like the other 'rogue states', provides justification for US domestic policies (eg National Missile Defense). Given the events of 11 September 2001 in the US, it is quite conceivable that Libya could become a target of the US antiterrorism campaign. The USA could at last find valid justification for the removal of the Qadaffi regime.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR |
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| Making War at Home in the United States: Militarization and the Current Crisis |
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Subject(s):
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| UNITED States -- Military policy; TERRORISM -- United States |
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| American Anthropologist, Sep2002, Vol. 104 Issue 3, p723, 13p, 2bw |
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| Our job as intellectuals, this article argues, is to struggle to understand the crisis presented by terrorism in all its forms. This can center on a theoretical account of militarization and its relationship to broader social changes, from the emergence of nationstates to the course of racialization and other inequalities to the convergence of interests in military spending. The article gives a terse historical account of the 20th-century history of the militarization process and of the distinct modes of warfare that have developed over that time. To account for the growth of militarization over the last half of the century requires a focus on the growth of U.S. hegemony and the naming of the empire that dominated the global scene as the most recent crisis opened on September 11,2001. This account suggests how we can connect these global and national histories with specific ethnographically understood places and people, giving some examples from ethnographic and historical research in a military city, Fayetteville, North Carolina. Finally, this review of militarization suggests that the attacks on the United States, and the war that followed, represent a continuation and acceleration of ongoing developments, rather than sharp openings in history. These new developments include reasons for hope that the legitimacy of violence and empire may also be under challenge.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR |
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| WAR on Terrorism, 2001-; SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 |
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| Harper's Magazine, Jul2002, Vol. 305 Issue 1826, p33, 8p |
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Abstract:
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| Comments on the U.S.-led war on terrorism in 2002. Impact of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S. on postmodernism; Discussion of a religious war; Opinions of college and university professors on the war on terrorism |
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| Relating Global Tensions: Modern Tribalism and Postmodern Nationalism |
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| VIOLENCE; GLOBALIZATION; NATIONALISM; TRIBAL citizenship |
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| Communal / Plural: Journal of Transnational & Crosscultural Studies, Apr2001, Vol. 9 Issue 1, p11, 21p |
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| What is the relationship in the contemporary world between the abstract global ‘peace’ of state-initiated violence from above and the embodied violence of persons hacking into others with machetes as they lay on the ground? Can this be explained simply in terms of the difference between the rationalising modern nation-state and resurgent tribalism? This article explores the contradictions associated with peace and violence in a globalising - localising world, both generally and in relation to violence in Rwanda and Bosnia-Kosovo. The article is intended predominantly as a political essay opening up lines of understanding. It argues that the postmodernists’ hopes that postnationalism will offer a way out of the mess is thoroughly misplaced. This is particularly so given that those states that swept militarily into Kosovo from above now project themselves across the globe with the same new enthusiasm for pax postnationalism as the postmodernists themselves.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR |
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| The Economic Causes of Algeria's Political Violence |
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| POLITICAL crimes & offenses -- Economic aspects -- Algeria; ALGERIA -- Economic conditions; VIOLENCE -- Economic aspects -- Algeria |
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| Terrorism & Political Violence, Autumn2001, Vol. 13 Issue 3, p127, 18p |
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| Argues that economic marginalization provides a much clearer guide than either ethnicity, religious fundamentalism or even political exclusion to the incidence of warfare and political violence in Algeria. Approaches to explaining political violence in the country; Prima facie evidence of Algeria's economic decline prior to the conflict; Economic theory that links economic collapse to political stability |
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| Political Violence in Sri Lanka: A Diagnostic Approach |
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| POLITICAL violence -- Sri Lanka; VIOLENT crimes -- Sri Lanka; ERITREA; LIBERATION Tigers of Tamil Eelam (Organization |
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| Terrorism & Political Violence, Summer97, Vol. 9 Issue 2, p99, 21p |
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| Explores the causes and patterns of political violence waged by liberation groups in Sri Lanka. Involvement of the People's Liberation Front and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE); Theories on political violence; Causes of political violence movements; Origin and development of the LTTE; Ideology and tactics of the organizations |
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| Terror, Totem, and Taboo: Reporting on a Report |
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| POLITICAL violence -- France -- Basque; TERRORISM -- Government policy -- France -- Basque; TOTEMISM -- France -- Basque |
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| Terrorism & Political Violence, Spring91, Vol. 3 Issue 1, p34, 16p |
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| Presents findings of reports from panel of terrorism experts commissioned to look into the political violence in Basque, France. Causes of terrorism; Characterization of totemism to define terrorism; Use of ethnic violence to define Basque violence |
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| Sowing Dragon’s Teeth: Public Support for Political Violence and Paramilitarism in Northern Ireland |
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Author(s):
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| Hayes, Bernadette C.; McAllister, Ian |
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| POLITICAL violence -- Northern Ireland; PARAMILITARY forces -- Northern Ireland |
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| Political Studies, Dec2001, Vol. 49 Issue 5, p901, 22p, 10 charts, 1 diagram, 1 graph |
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| While much attention has been devoted to political efforts to solve the Northern Ireland problem, less attention has been given to the role of political violence in sustaining the conflict. We argue that one of the reasons for the intractability of the conflict is widespread exposure to political violence among the civil population. By 1998, thirty years after the conflict started, one in seven of the population reported being a victim of violence; one in five had a family member killed or injured; and one in four had been caught up in an explosion. Such widespread exposure to violence exists alongside latent support for paramilitarism among a significant minority of both communities. Using 1998 survey data, we show that exposure to violence serves to enhance public support for paramilitary groups, as well as to reduce support for the decommissioning of para-military weapons. Overall, the results suggest that only a lengthy period without political violence will undermine support for paramilitarism and result in the decommissioning of weapons.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR |
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| Between votes and bullets. Conflicting ethnic identities in the Basque Country |
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| BASQUES -- Spain; SPAIN -- Ethnic relations |
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| Ethnic & Racial Studies, Sep2001, Vol. 24 Issue 5, p798, 30p |
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| With settlement of the Northern Irish conflict, the Basque Country hosts the most threatening nationalist conflict in the European Union. After the breakdown of the ceasefire late in 1999, a return of intensive and indiscriminate ETA violence has provoked a political and social crisis for Basque (and Spanish) society, and, according to all recent opinion polls, the issue of terrorism now ranks first among citizens' worries. This article focuses on the historical origins of the Basque conflict, its evolution during the Francoist dictatorship (1939–75), and the reasons for its continuity in the new political context of democracy. Special attention is paid to the attempt of kick-starting a peace process in 1998, comparison with the Northern Irish experience, and factors which contributed to the collapse of that attempt of peaceful accommodation. Finally, in the light of the most outstanding theoretical approaches towards the explanation of political violence in the Basque Country, several proposals for the necessary rethinking of this problem are presented.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR |
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| The face of terrorism, then and now |
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| TERRORISM; ABU-Sharif, Bassam -- Interviews |
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| NPQ: New Perspectives Quarterly, Fall96, Vol. 13 Issue 4, p59, 3p |
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| Interviews former Palestinian terrorist Bassam Abu-Sharif concerning the shift in the acts of terrorism. Rejection of political violence; Central role in drafting Yasser Arafat's statement renouncing terrorism and recognizing Israel at the 1988 United Nations General Assembly meeting; Armed struggle as a way to liberate the people and the land; Effect of the Afghan war experience on the new generation of terrorists |
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| Political Violence in Algeria |
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| VIOLENCE -- Algeria; REVOLUTIONS -- Algeria; ALGERIA -- Politics & government -- 1962-; TERRORISM -- Algeria |
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| Terrorism & Political Violence, Autumn94, Vol. 6 Issue 3, p261, 20p |
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| Analyzes the state of civil violence in Algeria in terms of a theory of collective rebellious behavior stressing falsification of public preferences, adapted from the work of Timur Kuran. Instability of the process of revolutionary mobilization; Phases in the sequence of political change in the country from 1988 to 1994; Increased incidence of terrorism against civilians, the police, and the military |
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| The Discourse and Practice of Counter-Terrorism in Liberal Democracies |
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| TERRORISM -- Prevention; CRIME; DEMOCRACY |
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| Australian Journal of Politics & History, Sep98, Vol. 44 Issue 3, p389, 25p |
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| This article examines the post-Cold War tendency to broaden the counter-terrorism mandate to include other phenomena such as organised crime, drug-trafficking and illegal immigration. This redefinition has important implications for democracy, both at the level of discourse and at the level of practice. At the level of discourse, the plasticity of the word "terrorism" and its application to a wide variety of phenomena is a form of claims making activity by a variety of agencies fighting for budgetary allocations in an era of cost-cutting and deficit reduction. At the level of practice, the counter-terrorism mandate is being expanded to include the range of phenomena covered in the widening discourse and this, in turn, has led to a blurring of boundaries between internal and external security, police and military models of control, and public and private sectors. All this has an impact on the openness of government, the accountability of agencies of social control, the adherence to the rule of law in the fight against terrorism and related phenomena, and the possibility of informed consent by a public made fearful by the claims-making discourse as it is disseminated through the mass media.[ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR |
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